Maple syrup festival near hamilton ontario canada borderlands

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Previous Next Showing 1 – of unique designs. Free Return Exchange or money back guarantee for all orders Learn more. Worldwide Shipping Available as Standard or Express delivery. The editors have invited chapters from Indigenous leaders and Indigenous and non-Indigenous activists and scholars in the conviction that emerging issues can be best explored and understood by working through a set of differing perspectives and literary forms.

It is within a framework of openness to dialogue and emerging understandings that we seek to explore the themes of this book. The two introductory chapters serve the parallel aims of providing the contexts for the chapters that follow, and contributing to an emerging conceptual framework for understanding and acting in these new terrains. This introduction contextualizes the changes in the terrains of Indigenous action over recent decades, and provides a preview of each chapter in the volume.

The other introductory chapter, by Mario Blaser, sets out the idea and practice of Indigenous life projects as a key to understanding and rethinking Indigenous agency in the midst of these changing contexts.

It explores how Indigenous projects are linked to those terrains but also how Indigenous life projects differ from the dominant and more common ideas and practices of development and development projects. That chapter also provides an account of the structure of the volume in terms of its thematic sections.

Our sense as editors is that many readers of this volume will come to it with familiarity with one or more of the areas of these changes. But because we think that there has been only limited overlap between the literatures and venues devoted to Indigenous issues and those focused on development, we assume that many readers will not be familiar with the.

This introduction was, therefore, conceived of as an overview of recent trends in, and the interconnections among, the areas of Indigenous rights, human rights, sustainable development, civil society and globalization. Our aim is not to review each area comprehensively, but to draw out how the changes in each of these areas impact and are impacted by Indigenous peoples.

Indeed, we think that Indigenous peoples and issues have become key links among these terrains of knowledge and struggle.

Indigenous lives and life projects have never been pursued in a vacuum; they can only be pursued amidst other projects. If the relations between different projects were more or less symmetrical, the broad cultural values and the visions of both Indigenous peoples and developers would each find some point of mutual accommodation. As a few chapters in this volume show, when conditions of a relative balance of power occurred the treaties made between Indigenous peoples and newcomers have embodied the cultural underpinnings of both groups, as in the Two-Row Wampum discussed by Deborah McGregor and by Mary Arquette, Maxine Cole and the Akwesasne Task Force on the Environment.

In this new situation of asymmetry, the colonizers have repeatedly imposed their cultural forms on relations with Indigenous peoples. Further, even when abuses were attended to, the basic storyline of development was not doubted.

As the International Labor Organization Convention of expressed it:. Considering that there exist in various independent countries indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal populations which are not yet integrated into the national community and whose social, economic or cultural situation hinders them from benefiting fully from the rights and advantages enjoyed by other elements of the population.

ILO Thus Indigenous peoples continually find themselves subordinated within the nation-state and international system. In contrast, the visions embodied by Indigenous life projects entail a relationship between equals and an end to the subordination of Indigenous peoples.

Thus, attention to the field of power relations in which they operate is among the central considerations of life projects. This attention to relationships and power informs the strategies through which Indigenous organizations struggle to end the subordination of their life projects and to pursue their unhindered realization.

Central to their strategies has been the mobilization of Indigenous peoples for recognition of their rights. When we speak of rights, we are speaking of more than legal issues. This volume is part of a growing and diverse literature that seeks to reduce that omission. From the s onwards, and in connection with both the civil rights and decolonization struggles occurring around the world, subordinated groups, including Indigenous peoples, began to call more effective attention to the contradictions between the standards of human rights proclaimed by nation-states and international standards, and the actual way in which these were imposed on or ignored for Indigenous peoples see Brysk ; Messer ; Niezen ; Wilmer ; Wright In the process they contributed to the erosion among nation-state authorities, and the public more generally, of.

In order to provide a background picture of how these transformations took place, what new political terrains they have shaped, and how Indigenous peoples pursue their life projects in them, we will examine several areas on which key changes have occurred.

In the next section of this chapter we provide a brief overview of the processes through which Indigenous rights emerged in the context of development and the connections of these processes with environmental issues. In reviewing the changes of recent decades we also set out to build some additional bridges between the domains of Indigenous rights as a specialization and critical development work, because these connections have often not been considered central to social analysis and action.

However, in pointing out that force had to be excluded as an instrument of integration, the convention underscored the contradiction between the goal of recognizing human rights and the way in which development was often being delivered. These organizations were at odds with dominant ideas in governmental circles because they asserted that respect for cultural differences was a viable alternative to integrationist development.

Over time they developed active collaborations with ongoing efforts by Indigenous peoples to organize and make their voices heard in international arenas. For Indigenous peoples, this was a means to improve their situation in the national contexts where they lived see Bodley ; Sanders ; Davis ; Wright Indigenous peoples in Latin America, for example, responded to the developmentalist wave of the s and s by trying to stop it, or trying to direct some of its policies and programmes to their own benefit.

The last strategy was used particularly in the context of agrarian reforms initiated by nation-states, and it involved the reshaping of previous relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous organizations and movements in each national context. In contrast, the organizations that emerged to challenge the threats of encroachment and destruction posed by the expansion of the states and markets into areas that had remained mostly outside their reach adopted a more decidedly international stance, without disregarding national alliances but stressing their ethnic identity Ramos ; Maybury Lewis ; Brysk The early organizations emerged with the support of non-Indigenous institutions, particularly sectors of the Catholic Church influenced by liberation theology.

As Indigenous organizations grew they developed connections with each other. However, this support was not universal, and, in contrast to those organizations which specialized in Indigenous issues, the wider human rights network did not see development aimed at integrating Indigenous peoples into the national society as a human rights violation. Thus the ability of Indigenous organizations to call on human rights groups to further Indigenous life projects was limited Brysk , Through the s Indigenous movements in Latin America actively participated in the wider processes of democratization that swept through.

In the s, several Latin American countries began state reforms. Although these reforms took shape in a wider context informed by neoliberal agendas such as the liberalization of trade, downsizing of the state, and decentralization of its operations, they opened the door for groups with specific interests to fight for inclusion in this process.

This was the case with Indigenous rights, which were incorporated in a number of new national constitutions that emerged from these processes of state reform see Yashar ;Van Cott ; Sieder In North America the expansion of resource and social development projects in the s and s also gave impetus to rapid Indigenous mobilizations, led in some cases by Indigenous peoples in formerly remote or isolated areas who were now experiencing development projects on a new scale.

In the post-Second World War boom years the growing affluence of significant sectors of North American societies led to a growing awareness of poverty, the failures of development and civil rights abuses for other sectors of the population and in some regions of the nation.

This wave of organizing and public support, and government efforts at co-optation, facilitated the emergence of new Indigenous organizations at regional and national levels in each country as governments needed and sought representatives with whom to consult on the development of policies and programmes for Indigenous peoples.

This entire process was still envisaged within the framework of externally driven development projects. The new Indigenous organizations that survived from this period developed into more autonomous voices and actors, although for a long time some saw such development as the only avenue of escape from the history of colonial administration. In the s and s breakthroughs in the national legal recognition of Indigenous rights transformed the arenas of action in the USA, Canada and Australia. Court cases brought by Indigenous peoples gained new recognition for Aboriginal rights based in part on legal anomalies and residues of the history of their recognition, and in part on challenging the courts to reread the provisions in earlier treaties both as binding documents and in the light of ideas of the period and testimonies about how they were presented, explained and negotiated with Indigenous signatories.

In this light, legal provisions often affirmed and allocated access to resources, lands and aspects of self-government and sovereignty, and courts recognized that in new. In the USA and Canada treaty recognition expanded, and emerged alongside the first legal recognitions in Canada and Australia that Indigenous rights still existed generally over the land where they had not been dealt with by treaty.

Once these legal changes began, they were also given impetus by the massive capital now being mobilized for resource developments in isolated regions of the continent and the corporate and investor needs that there be legal clarity and assurances about rights to lands and resources to protect investments. These developments dramatically shifted attention from socio-economic deprivation to legal rights and governance claims, which had the effect of making Indigenous issues into questions of national importance for the first time in a century or more in these countries.

The legal changes decisively moved the focus to the problems of recognizing plurality Asch ; Tully These processes were paralleled by opportunities for Indigenous action under legislation assuring public involvement in environmental decision-making and the recognition of religious rights and freedoms.

In recent years, the continuing resource developments on Indigenous lands despite recognitions of legal rights, the growing conservatism and declining sympathies of a public that itself feels less secure in its affluence under neoliberal changes, and the continuing gap between the living standards of Indigenous peoples and other North Americans have led to a new urgency and recognition by many Indigenous communities that they need to participate in some forms of development RCAP The patterns of that participation have, as yet, not become clear but see Russell Chapter 8 , Coon Come Chapter 9 , Craik Chapter 10 and Scott Chapter 7 in this volume for exploratory initiatives.

Indigenous claims have in general been increasingly expressed through international initiatives and alliances aimed at pressuring national governments; through the development of Indigenous rights forums and draft conventions; through environmental alliances; and through a burgeoning public recognition of Indigenous arts and media.

The latter have become a successful sector of North American, European and Australian consumer culture, albeit with mixed effects Conklin and Graham ; Niezen ; Povinelli , Until the late s, the most common response of multilateral development institutions and states to the contradictions between the growing. However, through the s the contradiction was increasingly clear, and this helped to open a crack in the so-far solid confidence that progress justified almost everything.

This crack was widened with the consolidation in the s of the transnational environmentalist movement. With this, the idea that Indigenous peoples have the right to sustain their own life projects received new impetus. We will discuss here neither the antecedents nor the details of the last wave of environmentalism that arose almost parallel with the international Indigenous movement and that was consolidated during the s.

By the mids, when environmental activism was booming, it was clear that a new form of relation between developmental and environmental concerns had to be worked out. Different positions about what the new relation should be were proliferating and becoming more visible as different organizations, institutions and movements established connections with each other. Just to mention a few, these positions included radical environmentalism arguing for the total subordination of human activity to natural cycles; environmental-justice movements and eco-socialists putting social inequalities at the top of the environmental agenda; peasants and Indigenous peoples mobilized against the privatization of their lands and resources; and ecological modernization advocating technical fixes for environmental problems see Taylor ; Painter and Durham ; Hajer ; Collinson ; Esteva and Prakash ; Parajuli Popularized by the report Our Common Future World Commission on the Environment and Development [WCED] , the ambiguities in the concept of sustainable development made it a useful tool for those pursuing agendas across interfaces connecting organizations and movements with radically different views Ekins ; Worster ; Adams Thus, as the sustainable use of the environment became the stated goal of several development institutions, Indigenous peoples came to be seen as worth preserving along with nature.

For example, Chapter 26 of Agenda 21 states that,. In view of the interrelationship between the natural environment and its sustainable development and the cultural, social, economic and physical well-being of indigenous people, national and international efforts to implement environmentally sound and sustainable development should recognize, accommodate, promote and strengthen the role of indigenous people and their communities.

UNCED In many cases development projects promoted by states and corporations on Indigenous territories have important environmental impacts that reach well beyond local settings. Thus, the potential exists for Indigenous peoples to gather support on the basis that the threat to their territories and survival constitutes a threat or a loss to people located elsewhere and a responsibility on the part of those whose lifestyles would benefit from the resources being extracted.

The connections between these concerns are often constructed through alliances between Indigenous organizations and urban-based NGOs which may translate Indigenous concerns into a language of environmentalist symbols that are meaningful for the public whose support is vital. The problem is that these translations often involve important distortions of.

Indigenous perspectives that eventually resurface and often create feelings of betrayal between former allies. The dominant thrust of environmental movements and NGOs among relatively affluent urbanites has been the preservation of wilderness and protection and respect for other species. By contrast, the environmentalism of peasants and Indigenous peoples is often wrapped up in the problems of subsistence see also Taylor ; Esteva and Prakash Because of the subordinated positions in which Indigenous peoples find themselves, it is usual for this second form of environmental concern to be translated into the first form.

This pattern also occurs among those non-Indigenous allies who were more inclined to accept the idea of sustainable development than environmental preservation, but who nevertheless retain for themselves the authority to define what it means.

Such alliances are bound to end in disappointment, for they disregard the fact that Indigenous communities oppose large-scale developments and programmes that imply the erosion or takeover of their subsistence base and territories, yet at the same time they seek to promote their own life projects. This usually entails resource-use projects that Indigenous communities envisage will improve the economic and social conditions under which they live but that can be entirely unacceptable to former allies.

Now organizations of civil society and not state governments are seen as the most appropriate instruments to achieve the sustainability of an economic development whose main motor is the market see Peet and Watts In relation to the previous view of development, this refurbished version shows important differences. These transformations of development discourses and practices are part and parcel of wider processes often referred to as globalization. These processes, characterized by the increasing circulation of peoples, ideas and commodities, prompt the emergence of organizational forms that are intended to control, adapt and tap into those circulations.

Thus, many of the functions held by the nation-state are transferred upwards to supranational institutions and common markets through economic and political integration, downwards to regions and com-.

The significance of these changes goes beyond any diminution in the role of the state, or shifts in the balance of power between the state, on the one hand, and market and civil society, on the other.

Rather the meaning of these changes is that the boundaries of these domains get increasingly blurred Alvarez et al. In the discourses of development this blurring of boundaries is underplayed, or rather it is interpreted as democratization because of the expansion of civil society. This view serves very well the development strategy that has become dominant in governmental and multilateral institutions.

This strategy, based on neoliberal economics and liberal political theory Edwards and Hulme b , assigns to the state the role of a legislator and guarantor of the rules that allow the market to operate unhindered on a transnational and global scale. The assigned role for the market is to generate the wealth with which development can be built. This is because NGOs are perceived as well suited to provide the services that states abandon as structural adjustment advances, and to set limits to state abuse and inefficiency and provide a vehicle for more democratic participation through civil society Hudock ; Eade ; Edwards and Hulme a; Hulme and Edwards The centrality that NGOs have acquired in development agendas has been shaped not only by forces coming from governmental and multilateral development institutions but also by pressures from grassroots movements resisting or trying to modify the development agendas promoted by states and markets.

Often there is a coalescing into formal organizations, including NGOs of distinct social movements, such as those that resent the human, social and environmental consequences of development agendas, those that seek to incorporate their concerns into the development agendas, and those that want to further alternative life projects see Geddicks ; Taylor ; Collinson ; Esteva and Prakash In searching for leverage to accomplish their purposes, NGOs have tended to establish links with each other and with governmental and multilateral institutions see Keck and Sikkink ; Fox and Brown ; Alvarez et al.

In turn, the development industry and governments in many countries have realized that they cannot negotiate with the vast number of local communities and groups. Thus, since the late s, they have begun to rely on NGOs to communicate, consult and implement programmes. Indigenous peoples have had to keep pace with these complex changes. Thus they make use of a wide spectrum of strategies and organizational possibilities adapted to the evolving terrain in which their struggles take place.

A detailed description of these organizational forms and strategies would exceed the scope of the volume, yet we think it useful to highlight some general patterns that can be extracted from the pertinent literature, specially those patterns that are relevant to understanding the cases discussed here.

Focusing on these dimensions we suggest that:. Most cases in this volume fall into the last two categories. In these categories, complex forms of organization can develop and also be transformed into other types. Usually the invasion of governmental authority and development projects into local settings requires the creation of a forum that the interlopers can negotiate with and understand. Thus where local systems of organization cannot provide such forums, or established local governments are not recognized as such by dominant institutions, the state or private sector takes over essential functions such as the administration of justice and control over common resources, among others.

This has happened to most Indigenous peoples throughout the world in varying degrees. However, Indigenous peoples have often succeeded in creating NGOs that provide both an institutional interface with outside pressures and a forum in which the language of the state and development industry can be translated for the local community, and vice versa.

Local NGOs can provide a deliberative buffer between communities and outsiders developers or other NGOs and social movements , often to the frustration of non-Indigenous NGOs and governmental units seeking quick decisions. This intermediary position opens up great opportunity to sustain and protect local processes, but also to create misinterpretations or even.

This is ingrained in the nature of local NGOs, for they are generally controlled by a small group of people who act as representatives of a whole community, a community which might not operate according to the expectations of state representative politics. In addition, to the extent that these organizations are not clearly established as legitimate authorities, they are vulnerable to attacks by interested external parties who may claim that they do not represent the interests of the communities and therefore disregard them as valid political interlocutors.

This is a common tactic by governments and private interests when the agendas put forward by local organizations collide with their interests. In summary, Indigenous organizations could be analysed as part of civil society, yet many of them take on governance functions. In many cases they even become entrepreneurial, taking on functions usually relegated to the marketplace.

Moreover, Indigenous administrative structures and service organizations are, on occasion, tied to state structures for funding and legal legitimacy, which in turn makes them partly accountable to the state. Thus, Indigenous organizations are inside and outside both civil society and the state and markets.

But this positioning, as several chapters show, fits quite well with contemporary processes that make it difficult to sustain the distinction between civil society, state and market. In varying degrees, the greater the control and input, the more the strategic orientation of Indigenous movements is inward towards the national context. These First World states, in turn, often do not have too much to lose, and sometimes have something to gain, by submitting to the demands of environmental and human rights lobbying groups, since they can claim credit for trying to improve conditions in the Third World.

But even if a relatively independent judicial system exists, it is an alternative only to the extent that Indigenous peoples have the economic means to make use of it. And even in that case, the legal alternative is besieged by traps and counterproductive results for Indigenous movements. All of this indicates the need to follow a multi-pronged strategy of lobbying, alliance making, appealing to courts, and public campaigns.

Yet the feasibility of a multi-pronged strategy that includes alliances with other social movements and NGOs as well as public campaigns is highly dependent on the existence of clearly delimited and visible rallying points of common interest. Such can be the case in the impending construction of a dam or mine see Coon Come, Craik, and Gedicks and Grossman, Chapters 9, 10 and 11 in this volume or the destruction in a short period of time of a vast expanse of forest, as in the Amazon.

The problem is that the most common situation for Indigenous peoples is the one described in this volume by Anguita Mariqueo Chapter 12 , where pressures over their territories and resources are more or less continuous, consistent with a wider logic of economic development, but not necessarily connected through a master plan.

In these circumstances Indigenous movements only have recourse to the more general norms about human rights, environmental sustainability and cultural diversity that, while recognized to some extent by the public and in official documents, are often ambiguous. Even when they are unambiguous, their enforcement by the state and other international institutions is faltering, to say the least.

In the shifting terrain of rapidly changing structures of governance throughout the world today, the opportunities for alliances across social movements have become more numerous. Indigenous peoples further their life projects by engaging themselves with and against governments and corporate interests while connecting themselves into networks of exchange and solidarity with other groups and communities in their region, country or across the globe.

These movements have the potential, through these alliances, to disrupt emerging structures of governance, as several of the papers in this volume show. These kinds of effects of Indigenous alliances have not been previously explored to our knowledge, and they expose the unexpected results and possibilities of Indigenous movements and alliances. In the s Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities in northern Wisconsin were often antagonistic to each other over the use of natural resources and treaty rights.

As a result, the authors argue, the whole idea of who are outsiders and who are insiders has radically reshaped identities in ways that strengthen local and regional connections in the face of mobile capital. Parajuli argues that the ravages of transnational capital itself produce the commonalities that connect ecological ethnicities across their differences: they are all dependent on the local resources from which mobile capital incessantly dispossesses them.

In their case, the connections under focus are those between a struggling Indigenous people, the Pehuenche of Chile, and human rights organizations, international professional associations, and development institutions. They show the possibilities and the limitations that these kinds of connections have for stopping human rights abuses in the context of mega-developments.

Chief Matthew Coon Come describes Chapter 9 a very similar pattern in a different national context, Canada. Thus he argues that the Crees not only seek to survive mega-developments, they struggle to share equitably in the benefits of their lands, through their distinctive ways of life and ways of relating to the land, and he argues that this is founded on their determination to establish their rights of self-governance and self-determination.

In her contribution Chapter 18 , Dawn Martin-Hill provides an intimate and powerful portrayal of the human. The testimonies she shares show the abusive exercises of power and the suffering they create, and how they are hidden by the abstract arguments of government and media. She shows what Lubicon Cree and particularly Lubicon women have to endure in the face of development, and yet how their struggles continue in the midst of their suffering. His chapter maps the contours of conflicting political discourses on Aboriginal entitlements and scrutinizes the assumptions that underlie policy prescriptions.

He shows that these assumptions are rooted in long-standing European notions of civilization and progress, race, freedom and equality. He explores the effects of these notions on ideologies of state governance, property and market organization, and their impact on different options for Aboriginal self-determination and development.

He explores conceptual bridges that may both help science to understand and grapple with globalization in ecological terms, and establish connections between these scientific efforts and those that Indigenous peoples pursue through the traditional knowledge embodied in their life-politics.

She shows that the ways TEK is conceptualized and used within dominant Western settings undermines its insights into the reasons for the environmental crisis, and its possible resolution. Turning from thinking of TEK as knowledge to exploring it as an ongoing way of living, she shows how TEK addresses power asymmetries between Indigenous and non-indigenous peoples.

As long as this is unrecognized in TEK research and implementation, the uses of TEK in science and policymaking constitute another form of colonialism that cannot but reinforce the current crises of the environment. The profound connections, from the standpoint of an Indigenous epistemology and ontology, that exist between the domination of one group of people by another and environmental degradation, are convincingly demonstrated by Mary Arquettte, Maxine Cole and the Akwesasne Task Force on the Environment ATFE.

In Chapter 19 they show how the Haudenosaunee Iroquois conceive the whole of Creation as being a web of interconnections and responsibilities that cannot be interrupted without perilous consequences. Thus, the imposition of development and the disruption brought to the relations and responsibilities that the Mohawk of Akwesasne sustained with their. In order to reverse this process they propose that relations and responsibilities be given their proper respect.

Against this the Yshiro counterpose their life projects, which are nothing less than being able to carry on with their own lives in a way that is meaningful and purposeful for them. For this, Barras says, the Yshiro need to be heard on their own, not through the voices of non-Indigenous NGOs or the government.

In the following chapter 4 , Mario Blaser discusses the context in which this plea for removing intermediaries makes sense. He shows how the idea of life projects took the form of a pan-Yshiro organization that is trying to regain for the Yshiro the authority to define themselves and their projects. Blaser shows that Indigenous peoples must engage with opponents and self-proclaimed allies, both of whom operate with dominant images of indigenousness that set the terms of debates about Yshiro futures.

Thus, the Yshiro are compelled to cut across these debates in order to open up spaces for their own life projects. Wendy Russell also discusses Chapter 8 multiple layers of history that operate as a mnemonic tool to interrogate received notions of economic development for the Cree of Fort Albany in Canada.

The memory of the people and history inscribed in the landscape of the settlement exposes the colonial policies that are the continuing context of present imbalances between this community and the mainstream industrial economy. The Cree discourses politicize the poverty.

As a consequence of their pursuits of these life projects, and almost as a side effect of them, we suggest that these kinds of Indigenous movements imply a reshaping of current structures of governance. These chapters highlight the question and the possibilities: might Indigenous peoples, and other counter-hegemonic movements, generate alternatives to the structures of governance furthered by development under its new guise as globalization? For the antecedents of the environmental movement, see Grove , Judd , and Guha and Martinez-Alier For details of the consolidation of the environmental movement in the s, see Keck and Sikkink The literature trying to provide a coherent picture of the transnational dimension of Indigenous movements is still scarce.

For the most relevant examples see Wilmer , Brysk , and Niezen By a relatively independent judicial system we mean not only that interference and intrusion by other state institutions in the judicial process is limited but also that even in cases where this is the case, the judicial system itself responds to culturally specific understandings of justice. Thus, it can never be impartial and independent in relation to Indigenous conceptions of justice.

Adams, W. Crush ed. Salomon and S. Alfred, T. Alvarez, S. Dagnino and A. Asch, M. Cook and J. Assies, W.

Barry, A. Osborne and N. Bodley, J. Brosius, J. Brysk, A. Van Cott ed. Burger, J. Price ed. Collinson, H. Conklin, B. Davis, S. The findings suggest that differences exist in the marketing strategies of gift and souvenir shops in these three regions. The marketing strategy ratings for product, price, promotion, and place were consistently higher for Ontario gift shops, followed by New York, and lowest for Quebec.

The qualitative findings provide some insight into the specific variables that contribute to these differences. Gift and souvenir shop owners may benefit from identifying best practices that differentiate the Ontario stores and make their marketing strategy more appealing to visitors.

This may provide useful guidelines for implementing changes to improve their marketing strategy. Souvenirs might take the form of T-shirts, authentic handcrafted items, antiques, key chains, miniature replicas of landmarks, or various other objects.

According to Swanson and Timothy , producing, selling, and buying souvenirs are routine activities of tourist destinations that generate billions of dollars each year.

While shopping is seldom mentioned as the primary reason for travel, it is perhaps the most universal of tourist activities, and has important financial impacts on local tourist shop merchants Kent et al.

Shopping is now recognized as one of the major activities of tourists MacCannell, ; Snepenger et al. To attract tourists and persuade them to extend their stay, a better understanding of tourist shopping behaviours and pleasing shopping environments is essential Kemperman et al. Tourists tend to collect material objects as souvenirs to make their memories tangible. After the journey, these souvenirs serve as symbols of the travel experience and evoke memories.

The objects gain and lose meaning after the completion of a journey Collins-Kreiner and Zins, This phenomenon is consistent with a broader, widespread decrease in the sentimental value of objects, and also appears to stem from repeated trips abroad and the transformation of international travels into common events. After multiple journeys abroad, tourists acquire fewer souvenirs and even ascribe less meaning to the ones they acquired during previous trips.

Travel for some has become less meaningful, and the significance attributed to souvenirs has decreased. For others, the trip and the memories are still extremely significant, but they no longer have the need for tangible souvenirs. They categorize the contributions to this literature according to several themes:.

Authenticity of the souvenir e. Commodification of souvenirs e. They are produced, sold and consumed; they are distributed through supply chains from their point of production and packaging, shipment and distribution, to their final point of sale, and eventually are consumed by tourists. Craft production, gender and economic development e.

Cultural property rights e. Souvenir messages and meanings e. Consumer behaviour e. Several close links have been found between nationality, cultural characteristics, and the types of goods and souvenirs purchased by tourists.

Gift-giving e. In some cultures, souvenir gift-giving is an expected part of returning home from a trip. Shopping and retail e. Souvenir retailers face unique challenges in determining consumer demand and sustaining operations.

This author distinguishes between two core types of motives for shopping: instrumental and expressive. Instrumental motives for shopping serve three purposes: shopping for souvenirs to meet social or cultural obligations; shopping for life necessities; and shopping as a way of experiencing the local culture. The expressive motive refers to those situations where shopping as an activity is the desired experience or an end in itself, such as relaxation, escape, social networks or status.

Although tourists enjoy spending time and lingering in stores, they also seek a utilitarian value in shopping Yu and Littrell, Besides creating attractive process-oriented shopping experiences, tourism retailers should therefore also strive to provide crafts with functions and uses, offer high-quality merchandise at reasonable prices, and train their sales associates with sufficient knowledge to help consumers accomplish their shopping tasks, if requested.

History and parks travelers, who were more interested in history and nature and who sought souvenirs and local arts and crafts, as well as printed materials that supported their interest in history and nature;. Urban entertainment travelers, who were very active and especially interested in nightlife and entertainment; this group purchased souvenirs to display at home, and which often carried the logo of the visited destination;.

Active outdoor tourists, who enjoyed a range of active, outdoor, nature-based pursuits and who sought souvenirs associated with these outdoor activities. These authors also found that tourist consumers of craft souvenirs are heterogeneous.

They identify three distinctive segments that require different marketing strategies to effectively attract each segment:. Indifferent shoppers: lack of interest in shopping and smallest market share, thus representing the lowest profitability in average shopping expenditure and lowest frequency in purchasing tourism products. Shopping lovers: the largest and highly profitable segment, but with variable spending on tourism products.

 
 

 

FreightWaves Classics: St. Lawrence Seaway connects mid-North America to the world – FreightWaves

 
The projects never work привожу ссылку well because those who organize and direct them will not listen to us. That means much of the grain is shipped from Gulf of Mexico and West Coast ports haamilton than through the Seaway. Maple syrup festival near hamilton ontario canada borderlands, Dirlik insists on seeing the hybrid character of glocalities as emerging from binary oppositions between the subordinated local and the hegemonic local i. The objects gain and lose meaning after the completion of a journey Collins-Kreiner and Zins, Sachs ed. It explores what is happening today to Indigenous peoples as they are inevitably enmeshed in the remorseless expansion of the modern economy and development, subject to the pressures of the marketplace and government.

 
 

Blair Dane

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